Abstinence-only education doesn't work
Well, it doesn't work for the stated goal of actually getting teenagers to abstain from sex.
DALLAS — Abstinence-only programs like those promoted by the Bush administration don't seem to be working on teenagers in the president's home state, according to a state-sponsored study by Texas A&M University researchers.
The ongoing study, the first evaluation of the abstinence programs across the state, found that students in almost all high school grades were more sexually active after undergoing abstinence education.
By the way, isn't it a misnomer to call it "education"? I mean, haranguing a group of kids for a semester about keeping their pants on isn't really teaching them anything. It's not like teenagers aren't aware that Sex Is Bad. How do they fill up class time? Teaching girls how to hold a pencil between their knees? After being bored out of my mind like that for a semester, I'd go have sex just to spite the school for wasting my time if I were a student.
Anyway, the story just mentions that the kids go to class, blow off the "lesson" and go out and fuck anyway. They don't mention if after wasting the kids' time and our tax dollars whether or not the kids then decide to take what they did learn (that condoms don't work and make your dick fall off, I mean, the "failure rate" of contraception) and use that new information to decide to blow off using birth control. My guess is yes.
Call me cynical if you must, but it's hard for me to believe that people have good intentions when they gather a bunch of kids into a classroom and tell them what they already know--adults don't want you to fuck--and then tell them that condoms don't work. In fact, that sounds almost as if the actual intention is not to keep kids from having sex so much as make sure that those who do pay for it with their health or their future. Maybe some starry-eyed optimists really do think that kids have sex because no one has ever told them not to and that's all it's gonna take, but my guess is that they are a minority of the abstinence only proponents. Everyone else?
Yeah, it's hard for me not to see abstinence-only education as a vengenance program unleashed on the young to punish them for growing up in a time where they have their health and their youth and they can have sex without risking their futures.
And if that's the goal, according to this map, abstinence-only is working like a charm. (Thanks for the map, Jill.)
posted by Amanda Marcotte at
31.1.05
130 Comments:
Bingo. I'm in my late 20s and already "abstinence only" was the de facto standard if not the official one as it is now. Sex ed was telling us that women menstruate, showing a few slides of people with really gross veneral diseases, and then leaving it at that. So kids had to teach each other how to avoid pregnancy and withdrawal was commonly espoused method. Condoms were rarely discussed and I was under the impression that most people didn't use them. Which I'm sure has only gotten worse now that the official stance of the schools is that condoms don't work, a blatant lie.
1/31/2005
With the exception of Alaska and Hawaii, looks like climate has as much to do with teenage pregnancy as anything else. Looks like we ought examine the statistical link between number of months youngsters can screw outside without the threat of frostbite and the teenage pregnancy rate.
MO
1/31/2005
A friend of mine who is about 10 years older than I am and I were speaking about that and he said yeah, in the 80s there was this real fear of getting AIDS. I don't know if it's geography or the time period, but in the 90s in Texas, it was widely felt that straight people who didn't use drugs just didn't get HIV. Even though there's some truth to that, it obscured the larger problem for average straight people, which is that other STDs are all over the place. Common STDs like chlymdia and pregnancy were massive problems in my community growing up.
1/31/2005
Here in Arkansas (which you might want to notice has an extremely high teen pregnancy rate) I used to get a lot of pro-abstinence-only sex ed papers from my students who had attended the many Christian schools in the area. I used to try to reason with these kids.
Their logic was (a) sex outside of marriage was evil, so (b) people shouldn't have sex outside of marriage, so (c) people shouldn't be taught about contraception since that will make them think it's okay to have sex outside of marriage.
"What about the fact that people have sex outside of marriage anyway?" I would ask. "Isn't it better that these people be informed about contraception? Isn't knowledge better than ignorance?"
They would just gaze at me blankly. Then (often) they would say, "If you're not going to have sex, you don't need a condom," which is, apparently, something the local schools teach them to say.
And if you don't have condoms, you end up with an appalling teen pregnancy rate, I reckon, not to mention a university graduation rate that is among the lowest in the nation.
But hey. At least we ain't teaching our kids anything evil!
1/31/2005
but it's hard for me to believe that people have good intentions when they gather a bunch of kids into a classroom and tell them what they already know--adults don't want you to fuck--and then tell them that condoms don't work. In fact, that sounds almost as if the actual intention is not to keep kids from having sex so much as make sure that those who do pay for it with their health or their futureDING DING DING DING DING!
1/31/2005
I grew up in Lubbock, Texas, graduated in the mid 90s. My parents were realists, they didn't trust the school system to provide me with factual sex education. After we had the initial “talk” my mother took me to the gynecologist. She told me to ask the physician any questions I had. I remember writing a list. I credit the experience with preventing me from becoming pregnant or catching an STD from the less than stellar high school boyfriend. I plan on doing the same for my kids (should I decide to have any). Oh, and I should mention, I would have had sex with or without the education, because at the time I believed I LOVED him. Oh to be in your teens.
1/31/2005
I generally agree, but I think the map might be a bit misleading, because it counts "teen pregnancies" as those involving girls/young women aged 15-19. While I do think 15 is definitely too young to be having a baby, 18 or 19 is a different matter. Plenty of women have kids at that age, and maybe more so in the South, due to cultural differences and more traditional attitudes meaning people tend to get married and start a family at an earlier age.
(I don't mean to be offensive here, or stereotype Southern people!)
When I think of "teen pregnancy" I tend to think of the 12-15 age range, because at this age there's not much doubt that pregnancy is a problem and shouldn't be happening. Getting pregnant between 16 and 19 is not really all that unusual, and apart from the technical "teen" aspect, it's no worse to have your first baby at 19 than at 20 or 21. You can talk about whether it's a good idea for women to be having kids while still young (17, 18 etc), whether it would be better for them to stay longer in education, whether class and economic issues affect the decisions etc. And these are all valid points. But there's still a very very big divide, in my mind, between a 12 year old ending up pregnant, and an 18 year old woman deciding to start a family rather than going to college, for example.
1/31/2005
Anon, I think the vast majority of women 18 and 19 who have babies are in the same position at the 15-year-olds, which is they didn't use birth control and now they are stuck. That they may be more likely to marry the father doesn't make it "planned". And it is setting them up for divorce and single motherhood without an education. Just because there are cultural pressures here to marry and have children young doesn't mean that girls here aren't just as smart and need support to get an education just as much. In fact, they need it more.
1/31/2005
Ah, Hugo, it's not just fear but lies they throw at the kids here. I think we live in totally different worlds. There's absolutely no need for the schools to remind kids of what their faith is here, as the churches are extremely aggressive.
There were a lot of Catholics in my town and to the last one, my Catholic friends knew that Sex Is Bad, and to the last one, they did it anyway. You can ask god's forgiveness, but you can't pray away the clap, and that's the problem for a lot of kids in Texas.
1/31/2005
I'm in my 30s. I grew up in the California Central Valley, which is on the outskirts of the San Francisco Bay Area, but much more conservative.
For the life of me, I can't remember any sexual education programs at all in high school. In elementary school, we had a few short sessions on sex ed, which were confusing and uninformative.
I remember one speaker who outright lied to the class. This was around seventh or eighth grade. The speaker claimed that having sex while wearing a condom resulted in pregnancy about 25% of the time. I was well-informed enough (through my own efforts -- I'd read a lot of "medical advice for teens" on Compuserve) to know that the numbers she said couldn't possibly be right, so I asked how often pregnancy would result from intercourse without birth control. She said 90% of the time. Most of the room laughed at her, but I don't think she was making a joke. It was a stupid, but deliberate lie.
My guess is that the school board was trying to circumvent laws about sex ed by hiring speakers who'd exaggerate the dangers of sexuality. In at least this one case, the speaker chose to lie.
1/31/2005
1. My favorite rhetorical device for comprehensive sex ed: We teach kids about the US government before they are of voting age. (And many of these kids on reaching adulthood don't bother to vote!) Teaching medically accurate information about arousal, pregnancy, contraception, and STDs doesn't mean that the kid is going to go out the next day and have sex - it merely means that they will be informed about an activity they may choose to perform at some unspecified time in the future.
2. An abstinence component for non-religious sex-ed courses ought to have "negotiation strategies" as well as train kids to ask the 5 Ws more commonly used in reporting.
Who? who wants this, just my boyfriend, me, both?
Why? am I trying to hang onto a boyfriend who wants me to prove my love, or am I horny, or am I bored, or am I looking for the status as a "mature" woman/man, or do I crave a baby to love me, or am I in a steady relationship that looks pretty seriously like marriage/civil union could be in offing, and I want to "test drive" against gayness (straightness) or unpleasant kinks?
What? "base", protection needed, etc.
When/Where? Now? Later?
Negotiation obviously works better if parties already have thought a little about the Ws, but negotiation takes practice, and I would suppose a role playing scenario might work in teaching a few negotiating skills.
3. For religiously-based sex ed, if you have not started with the marriage/family education and the education about basic ethics towards other people, well, hitting them with a Thou Shalt Not in the middle of a hormone storm isn't going to be too terribly effective.
4. For every child, encouraging them to develop their own long range goals ought to help. Girls who aim to go to college and become doctors, teachers, engineers, accountants, etc are much more likely to either postpone sex or do so safely when they have the knowledge to do so.
NancyP
1/31/2005
It occurs to me to wonder what effect abstinence-only education has even on post-marital family planning. I mean, even if all these kids obediently stayed abstinent until they were married (and we know that's not happening), would they have a clue about family planning once they got married? Someone close to me, who got married right after high school, has twice now had unplanned pregnancies resulting from a, "Well, I didn't really feel like taking the pill/forgot to take it/couldn't afford it for some time, and surprise! I had a baby!" sort of attitude. I got the feeling she really was surprised, too, especially the first time, and I can't help but wonder how much of that is because she went to a fundamentalist Christian high school and never learned the basics about family planning beyond "Don't screw until you're married."
1/31/2005
Another thing I remember was that it seemed like they had sex ed for girls more often than for boys, and the sessions lasted longer. It was still inadequate, I'm sure. But there did seem to be an implication that sexual responsibility was something for women to worry about, not men.
1/31/2005
In the late 80's, a friend of mine did doctoral research at an elite univeristy where the women were pretty hip. But they displayed an significant inclination to not use birth control so that it wouldn't look like they were planning to have sex. Is that scary or what? Until the double standard is removed (and I doubt it ever will be), neither gender (among the young) is going to take the required responsibility for preventing pregnancy and STD's.
The recent positive study results showing the success of abstinence + education have been spun to sound like they are about abstinence only. In my state, the ACLU sued to stop the abstinence program website from displaying the "if you don't have sex, God will love you" stuff, and won, but the state hasn't taken it down, and the governor is too cowardly to put her foot down.
1/31/2005
I had abstinence-only education, but I got off easy; I don't think the teacher was very into it. It came down to "I'm not allowed to say anything about that," to nearly every question we had.
The only thing I remember about the class was a project to plan a date that did not contain a single unchaperoned moment.
I was always a goody-two-shoes, but one of the things that really annoyed me about abstinence-only education is that it cuts across the curriculum. It's not just health class. So in AP French, we talked about Rimbaud and the teacher had to say in hushed tones, "I'm really not supposed to talk about this, but he was gay."
1/31/2005
Exactly, Thel. We have no problem telling kids "You have to learn algebra/dangling participles/organic chemistry because SOMEDAY you'll be GLAD we made you learn it"--until the subject is sex. Sex being the one thing that we are sure kids will never, ever need to know about, and therefore shouldn't be taught. It reminds me of that Rodney Dangerfield movie where his daughter won't have sex with her husband because she's sure the "stay a virgin" message meant AFTER marriage too.
1/31/2005
Just ask some conservatives. The "the wages of sin is chlamydia or pregnancy" attitude isn't exactly hidden deep in layers of obfuscation. If you talk about abortion with them, many of them will come out and say, directly, "I don't like abortion because it allows people to evade the consequences of their actions." I.e., if people have sex, there SHOULD be bad consequences. Not that since there are sometimes bad consequences, people shouldn't have sex (the somewhat reasonable, open reason for abstinence ed) but the reverse: since people shouldn't have sex, there should be bad consequences.
Note: this has popped up in a fair number of abortion discussions a lot of us have seen, but that doesn't mean there aren't sincere pro-lifers there who think that it would be nice if sex never had unintended consequences, but that abortion is just too high a price to pay to avoid consequences for the woman, since they think the embryo is a person too. I disagree with these people on scientific/philosophical grounds, I think their motives are generally good. (I think life starts at conception. Then again, I have no problem extinguishing life per se: a carrot is alive before the farmer plucked it out of the ground and sold it to the corporation that sold it to the grocery store that sold it to me, so buying a dozen carrots is paying a serial murderer if I thought that killing living things was wrong in all cases. I think that personhood, a more morally weighty thing than life, forms gradually, much after conception.)
Julian Elson
2/01/2005
Lack of a comprehensive, realistic, and intelligent sexuality education will lead to schools looking like maternity wards as rabbit just said. And schools filled with teens with STDs and passing them on to others. What these ultra-conservative school boards don't understand is that no matter how much you say "Jesus doesn't like naughty sexually active teens," kids will ALWAYS 'do it'. Especially if you hold up 'forbiden fruit' to them, they'll do it.
Kids are always going to do it no matter what you tell them, so it's up to the schools and parents to teach their kids how to be safe and protect themselves. Parents and the schools need to stop with these subliminal religious techniques in teaching sex-ed and teach REAL progressive and comprehensive sex-ed. Or they can go on thinking all pregnancies and STDs are "God's will" and be grandparents when their son or daughter are only fifteen or sixteen. And I'm sure getting the clap is "God's will" too. What a bunch of dipshits.
2/01/2005
I'm 35. I grew up in Chicago Public Schools. I thought sex ed was pretty comprehensive (pre-AIDS). I never had sex with my first love because there was no birth control. I told him I was willing, but he never went out and got condoms. His loss. It was ironic that my after school job was to babysit a 1-month old baby for an hour while the mom ran errands. That kid screamed the entire time I watched her.
In college, a friend told me about Planned Parenthood and I was thrilled to find affordable birth control without dealing with my parents. I told all my friends about going there.
My best friend recently dated a guy 15 years younger. He grew up during the safe sex campaign. He could open and put on a condom with one hand! She didn't even realize he was doing it.
This is way too much to ask in this climate - but I think girls should learn how their fertility works. When I decided to start having babies, I read Taking Charge of Your Fertlity. This is an excellent book which explains how the cycle works. Before that, I had no idea whether I was in trouble if we made a mistake. Did you know that women are only fertile for 4-6 days every month? The main thing to watch is the mucus changes (sorry if TMI). This is what natural family planning is based on. It's a safer option for monogamous couples. I think taking hormonal forms of birth control can have long term health consequences. Though, it's not foolproof. I thought I knew what I was doing and my baby is due in 9 weeks (no joke!). (Maybe it's because spermicide alone on fertile days was a bad choice....)
At least we have the internet. Kids who really want to know have access to the info - not in like the 1950's.
2/01/2005
Some people really, truly believe that there's a purpose to their existence -- and that purpose is to get married, and make babies, for the greater glory of God and country.
The idea that there's no purpose to life but what purpose you choose, that there's no one really running the show, with a worked-out plan for every moment of your life is incomprehensible and utterly terrifying to such people.
The only way I can make sense of George Bush's inaugural address is that he has literally no idea what "freedom" and "liberty" actually mean. I don't think he knows, and it's because he doesn't want to know. And he's not alone in that.
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Debt consolidation is often advisable in theory when someone is paying credit card debt. Credit cards can carry a much larger interest rate than even an unsecured loan from a bank. Debtors with property such as a home or car may get a lower rate through a secured loan using their property as collateral. Then the total interest and the total cash flow paid towards the debt is lower allowing the debt to be paid off sooner, incurring less interest. In practice, many people are in credit card debt because they spend more than their income. If that habit continues, the consolidation will not benefit them much because they will simply increase their credit card balances again.
Because of the theoretical advantage that debt consolidation offers a consumer that has high interest debt balances, companies can take advantage of that benefit of refinancing to charge very high fees in the debt consolidation loan. Sometimes these fees are near the state maximum for mortgage fees. In addition, some unscrupulous companies will knowingly wait until a client has backed themselves into a corner and must refinance in order to consolidate and pay off bills that they are behind on the payments. If the client does not refinance they may lose their house, so they are willing to pay any allowable fee to complete the debt consolidation. In some cases the situation is that the client does not have enough time to shop for another lender with lower fees and may not even be fully aware of them. This practice is known as predatory lending. Certainly many, if not most, debt consolidation transactions do not involve predatory lending.
In the United States, federal student loans are consolidated somewhat differently, as federal student loans are guaranteed by the U.S. government. In a federal student loan consolidation, existing loans are purchased and closed by a loan consolidation company or by the Department of Education (depending on what type of federal student loan the borrower holds). Interest rates for the consolidation are based on that year's student loan rate, which is in turn based on the 91-day Treasury bill rate at the last auction in May of each calendar year.
Student loan rates can fluctuate from the current low of 4.70% to a maximum of 8.25% for federal Stafford loans, 9% for PLUS loans. The current consolidation program allows students to consolidate once with a private lender, and reconsolidate again only with the Department of Education. Upon consolidation, a fixed interest rate is set based on the then-current interest rate. Reconsolidating does not change that rate. If the student combines loans of different types and rates into one new consolidation loan, a weighted average calculation will establish the appropriate rate based on the then-current interest rates of the different loans being consolidated together.
Federal student loan consolidation is often referred to as refinancing, which is incorrect because the loan rates are not changed, merely locked in. Unlike private sector debt consolidation, student loan consolidation does not incur any fees for the borrower; private companies make money on student loan consolidation by reaping subsidies from the federal government.
Student loan consolidation can be beneficial to students' credit rating, but it's important to note that not all federal student loan consolidation companies report their loans to all credit bureaus; SLM Corporation (formerly Sallie Mae) does not report to Experian or Transunion, which means that students will have differing credit scores at Equifax, Transunion, and Experian.
A credit rating agency (CRA) is a company that assigns credit ratings for issuers of certain types of debt obligations. In most cases, these issuers are companies, cities, non-profit organizations, or national governments issuing debt-like securities that can be traded on a secondary market. A credit rating measures credit worthiness, the ability to pay back a loan, and affects the interest rate applied to loans. (A company that issues credit scores for individual credit-worthiness is generally called a credit bureau or consumer credit reporting agency.)
Interest rates are not the same for everyone, but instead are based on risk-based pricing, a form of price discrimination based on the different expected costs of different borrowers, as set out in their credit rating. There exist more than 100 rating agencies worldwide.
The lowering of a credit score by a CRA can create a vicious cycle, as not only interest rates for that company would go up, but other contracts with financial institutions may be affected adversely, causing an increase in expenses and ensuing decrease in credit worthiness. In some cases, large loans to companies contain a clause that makes the loan due in full if the companies' credit rating is lowered beyond a certain point (usually a "speculative" or "junk bond" rating). The purpose of these "ratings triggers" is to ensure that the bank is able to lay claim to a weak company's assets before the company declares bankruptcy and a receiver is appointed to divide up the claims against the company. The effect of such ratings triggers, however, can be devastating: under a worst-case scenario, once the company's debt is downgraded by a CRA, the company's loans become due in full; since the troubled company likely is incapable of paying all of these loans in full at once, it is forced into bankruptcy (a so-called "death spiral"). These rating triggers were instrumental in the collapse of Enron: since that time, major agencies have put extra effort into detecting these triggers and discouraging their use, and the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission requires that public companies in the United States disclose their existence.
Large corporate rating agencies like Standard & Poor's have been criticized for having too familiar a relationship with company management, possibly opening themselves to undue influence or the vulnerability of being misled. These agencies meet frequently in person with the management of many companies, and advise on actions the company should take to maintain a certain rating. Furthermore, because information about ratings changes from the larger CRAs can spread so quickly (by word of mouth, email, etc.), the larger CRAs charge debt issuers, rather than investors, for their ratings. This has lead to accusations that these CRAs are plagued by conflicts of interest that might inhibit them from providing accurate and honest ratings. At the same time, more generally, the largest agencies (Moody's and Standard & Poor's) are often seen as agents of globalization and/or "Anglo-American" market forces, that drive companies to consider how a proposed activity might effect their credit rating, possibly at the expense of employees, the environment, or long-term research and development. These accusations are not entirely consistent: on one hand, the larger CRAs are accused of being too cosy with the companies they rate, and on the other hand they are accused of being too focused on a company's "bottom line" and unwilling to listen to a company's explanations for its actions.
In addition, because the rating agency business is itself reputation-based (why pay attention to a rating that isn't recognized by others in the market?), barriers to market entry are high, and the agencies are sometimes accused of being oligopolists. Of the large agencies, only Moody's is a separate, publicly-held corporation that discloses its financial results without dilution by non-ratings businesses. The high profit on Moody's revenues (>50% gross margin), which are consistent with the high barriers to entry, do nothing to allay market fears of monopoly pricing.
Finally, some finance scholars have documented in empirical studies that yield spreads of corporate bonds start to expand as credit quality deteriorates but before a rating downgrade, implying that the market often leads a downgrade and questioning the informational value of credit ratings. This has led to suggestions that, rather than rely on CRA ratings in financial regulation, financial regulators should instead require banks, broker-dealers and insurance firms (among others) to use credit spreads when calculating the risk in their portfolio.
As part of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, Congress ordered the U.S. SEC to develop a report, titled Report on the Role and Function of Credit Rating Agencies in the Operation of the Securities Marketsdetailing how credit ratings are used in U.S. regulation and the policy issues this use raises. Partly as a result of this report, in June 2003, the SEC published a "concept release" called Rating Agencies and the Use of Credit Ratings under the Federal Securities Laws that sought public comment on many of the issues raised in its report. Public commentson this concept release have also been published on the SEC's website.
In December 2004, the International Organization of Securities Commissions (IOSCO) published a Code of Conduct for CRAs that, among other things, is designed to address the types of conflicts of interest that CRAs face. All of the major CRAs have agreed to sign on to this Code of Conduct and it has been praised by regulators ranging from the European Commission to the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission.
A user is issued a credit card after an account has been approved by the credit provider (often a general bank, but sometimes a captive bank created to issue a particular brand of credit card, such as Wells Fargo or American Express Centurion Bank), with which the user will be able to make purchases from merchants accepting that credit card up to a preestablished credit limit.
When a purchase is made, the credit card user agrees to pay the card issuer. Originally the user would indicate their consent to pay, by signing a receipt with a record of the card details and indicating the amount to be paid, but many merchants now accept verbal authorizations via telephone and electronic authorization using the Internet.
Electronic verification systems allow merchants (using a strip of magnetized material on the card holding information in a similar manner to magnetic tape or a floppy disk) to verify that the card is valid and the credit card customer has sufficient credit to cover the purchase in a few seconds, allowing the verification to happen at time of purchase. Other variations of verification systems are used by eCommerce merchants to determine if the user's account is valid and able to accept the charge.
Each month, the credit card user is sent a statement indicating the purchases undertaken with the card, and the total amount owed. After receiving the statement, the cardholder may dispute any charges that he or she thinks are incorrect (see Fair Credit Billing Act). Otherwise, the cardholder must pay a defined minimum proportion of the bill by a due date, or may choose to pay a higher amount up to the entire amount owed. The credit provider charges interest on the amount owed (typically at a much higher rate than most other forms of debt). Some financial institutions can arrange for automatic payments to be deducted from the user's accounts.
Credit card issuers usually waive interest charges if the balance is paid in full each month, but typically will charge full interest on the entire outstanding balance from the date of each purchase if the total balance is not paid.
For example, if a user had a $1,000 outstanding balance and pays it in full, there would be no interest charged. If, however, even $1.00 of the total balance remained unpaid, interest would be charged on the full $1,000 from the date of purchase until the payment is received. The precise manner in which interest is charged is usually detailed in a cardholder agreement which may be summarized on the back of the monthly statement. (See The TD Gold Travel Visa Cardholder Agreement Retrieved January 3, 2006)
The credit card may simply serve as a form of revolving credit, or it may become a complicated financial instrument with multiple balance segments each at a different interest rate, possibly with a single umbrella credit limit, or possibly with separate credit limits applicable to the various balance segments. Usually this compartmentalization is the result of special incentive offers from the issuing bank, either to incent balance transfers from cards of other issuers, or to incent more spending on the part of the customer. In the event that several interest rates apply to various balance segments, payment allocation is generally at the discretion of the issuing bank, and payments will therefore usually be allocated towards the lowest rate balances until paid in full before any money is paid towards higher rate balances. Interest rates can vary considerably from card to card, and the interest rate on a particular card may jump dramatically if the card user is late with a payment on that card or any other credit instrument. As the rates and terms vary, services have been set up allowing users to calculate savings available by switching cards, which can be considerable if there is a large outstanding balance (see external links for some on-line services).
Because of intense competition in the credit card industry, credit providers often offer incentives such as frequent flier points, gift certificates, or cash back (typically 1 percent) to try to attract customers to their program.
Low interest credit cards or even 0% interest credit cards are available. The only downside to consumers is that the period of low interest credit cards is limited to a fixed term, usually between 6 and 12 months after which a higher rate is charged. However, services are available which alert credit card holders when their low interest period is due to expire. Most such services charge a monthly or annual fee.
Secured credit cards
A secured credit card is a type of credit card secured by a deposit account owned by the cardholder. Typically, the cardholder must deposit between 100% and 200% of the total amount of credit desired. Thus if the cardholder puts down $1000, he or she will be given credit in the range of $500–$1000. In some cases, credit card issuers will offer incentives even on their secured card portfolios. In these cases, the deposit required may be significantly less than the required credit limit, and can be as low as 10% of the desired credit limit. This deposit is held in a special savings account.
The cardholder of a secured credit card is still expected to make regular payments, as he or she would with a regular credit card, but should he or she default on a payment, the card issuer has the option of recovering the cost of the purchases paid to the merchants out of the deposit.
Although the deposit is in the hands of the credit card issuer as security in the event of default by the consumer, the deposit will not be credited simply for missing one or two payments. Usually the deposit is only used as an offset when the account is closed, either at the request of the customer or due to severe delinquency (150 to 180 days). This means that an account which is less than 150 days delinquent will continue to accrue interest and fees, and could result in a balance which is much higher than the actual credit limit on the card. In these cases the total debt may far exceed the original deposit and the cardholder not only forfeits their deposit but is left with an additional debt.
Most of these conditions are usually described in a cardholder agreement which the cardholder signs when their account is opened.
Secured credit cards are an option to allow a person with a poor credit history or no credit history to have a credit card which might not otherwise be available. They are often offered as a means of rebuilding one's credit. Secured credit cards are available with both Visa and MasterCard logos on them. Fees and service charges for secured credit cards often exceed those charged for ordinary non-secured credit cards, however, for people in certain situations, (for example, after charging off on other credit cards, or people with a long history of delinquency on various forms of debt), secured cards can often be less expensive in total cost than unsecured credit cards, even including the security deposit.
The credit card was the successor of a variety of merchant credit schemes. It was first used in the 1920s, in the United States, specifically to sell fuel to a growing number of automobile owners. It has been widely regarded that rampant use of credit cards contributed greatly to the Great Depression in the United States that began in the latter 1920s.[2] In 1938 several companies started to accept each other's cards.
The concept of using a card for purchases was invented in 1887 by Edward Bellamy and described in his utopian novel Looking Backward. Bellamy uses the explicit term "Credit Card" eleven times in his novel (Chapters 9, 10, 11, 13, 25 and 26) and 3 times (Chapters 4, 8 and 19) in its sequel, Equality.
The concept of paying merchants using a card was invented in 1950 by Ralph Schneider and Frank X. McNamara in order to consolidate multiple cards. The Diners Club, which was created partially through a merger with Dine and Sign, produced the first "general purpose" charge card, which is similar but required the entire bill to be paid with each statement; it was followed shortly thereafter by American Express and Carte Blanche. Western Union had begun issuing charge cards to its frequent customers in 1914.
Bank of America created the BankAmericard in 1958, a product which eventually evolved into the Visa system ("Chargex" also became Visa). MasterCard came to being in 1966 when a group of credit-issuing banks established MasterCharge. The fractured nature of the US banking system meant that credit cards became an effective way for those who were travelling around the country to, in effect, move their credit to places where they could not directly use their banking facilities.
There are now countless variations on the basic concept of revolving credit for individuals (as issued by banks and honored by a network of financial institutions), including organization-branded credit cards, corporate-user credit cards, store cards and so on.
In contrast, although having reached very high adoption levels in the US, Canada and the UK, it is important to note that many cultures were much more cash-oriented in the latter half of the twentieth century (Germany, France, Switzerland, among many others). In these places, the take-up of credit cards was initially much slower. It took until the 1990s to reach anything like the percentage market-penetration levels achieved in the US, Canada or UK. In many countries acceptance still remains poor as the use of a credit card system depends on the banking system being perceived as reliable.
In contrast, because of the legislative framework surrounding banking system overdrafts, some countries, France in particular, were much faster to develop and adopt chip-based credit cards which are now seen as major anti-fraud credit devices
Credit card companies do not want merchants to charge credit card users more than they charge other customers, even though the merchant pays a fee of 2 to 3 percent (merchants negotiate an exact percentage with their banks) to process credit payments. In some countries this fee may be significantly more. If customers were responsible for this fee, it would often discourage credit card usage. Some critics have observed that this results in what is effectively a hidden tax on all transactions conducted by merchants who accept credit cards since they must build the cost of transaction fees into their overall business expense. The end result is that other customers are essentially subsidizing credit card holder purchases. The cost of the convenience enjoyed by card holders and the profits taken from transaction fees by the card industry (which has come to rely increasingly on this revenue stream over the years) is partially offloaded onto the backs of the cash customer. Critics go on to say that further compounding the issue is the fact that the customers most likely to pay in cash are the least able to afford the additional expense (card holders are more likely to be affluent, non-card holders less so).
A counter argument is that there are also costs to the merchant in other forms of payment For cash payments these include frequent trips to the bank or use of an armored delivery service, theft, and employee error, such that cash is actually not cheaper for the merchant than credit cards. While businesses are allowed to offer a discount for cash-paying customers, this has become virtually non-existent.
In many places, governments have passed laws (at the urging of the credit card industry) to make this illegal. Despite this, some retailing sectors flout this regulation, especially in areas of very competitive, commodity products such as personal computers, where the fine print of an advertisement states "prices already cash discounted — surcharge for credit card". Other retailers offer incentives or bonus coupons for using cash, such as Canadian Tire Money. Australia is currently acting to reduce this by allowing merchants to apply surcharges for credit card users. In the United Kingdom, merchants won the right through The Credit Cards (Price Discrimination) Order 1990 to charge customers different prices according to the payment method, but few merchants do so (the most notable exceptions being budget airlines and travel agents). The United Kingdom is the world's most credit-card-intensive country, with 67 million credit cards for a population of 59 million people.[1]
However, there also exists an economic argument that credit card use increases the "velocity" of money in an economy, the result, higher consumer spending rates and higher GDP. Although there is many a sad story of credit card abuse, the trend is increasing use, with some predicting a cashless society in the not so distant future.
There is some controversy about credit card usage in recent years. Credit card debt has soared, particularly among young people. Since the late 1990s, lawmakers, consumer advocacy groups, college officials and other higher education affiliates, have become increasingly concerned about the rising use of credit cards among college students. The major credit card companies have been accused of targeting a younger audience, in particular college students, many of whom are already in debt with college tuition fees and college loans, and who typically are less experienced at managing their own finances. A recent study by United College Marketing Services has shown that student credit lines have increased to over $6,000. Credit card usage has tripled since 2001 amongst teenagers as well. Since eighteen year-olds in many countries and most U.S. states are eligible for a card without parental consent or employment, the likelihood of increased balances, unwise use of credit and damaged credit scores increases.
According to Larry Chiang of United College Marketing Services, an example of a credit card class action was where issuers were "rolling back" posting times to extract more late fees. The due dates were "rolled back" from 1pm to 10am because mail was delivered in the afternoon so due dates were actually rolled back to charge more late fees. The following banks are listed (with the amounts penalized) in this one particular class action.
Providian: US$405 million
Citibank: US$15.5 million
Chase: US$22.2 million
Bank One: US$40 million
Another controversial area is the universal default feature of many North American credit card contracts. When a cardholder is late paying a particular credit card issuer, that card's interest rate can be raised, often considerably. Given this circumstance with one credit card, universal default allows other card issuers to raise the cardholder's interest rates on other accounts, even if those other accounts are not in default.
In the USA, Congress has been slow to introduce credit card reform legislation. A push toward expanding the disclosure box and incorporating balance payoff disclosures on credit card statements could help clarify credit card debt's ramifications.
Customers who do not pay in full the amount owed on their monthly statement (the "balance") by the due date (that is, at the end of the "grace period") and are not in a promotional period owe interest ("finance charges"). These customers are known in the industry as "revolvers". Those who pay in full (pay the entire balance) do not. These customers are known in the industry as "transactors" or "convenience users". Interest charges vary widely from card issuer to card issuer. Often, there are "teaser" rates in effect for initial periods of time (as low as zero percent for, say, six months), whereas rates for those with poor credit can be as high as 30 percent (annualized) or occasionally more. In the U.S., rules governing interest rates are set at the state level; some banks have chosen to establish their credit card operations in states such as South Dakota that have less restrictive limits on interest rates
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